Michael Smerconish: HILL & ED: THAT'S NOT THE TICKET

2.28.2008
Philadelphia Daily News

 

IS GOV. Rendell about to become Hillary Clinton's "Hail Mary" in the race for the White House? Will she announce him as her veep in a bid to win Pennsylvania and get back on track?

 

That prospect is creating a buzz around political water coolers in the state despite Rendell's comments to the contrary.

 

Last week, Rendell said his habit of answering questions candidly - as he did recently when he surmised that some Pennsylvanians "are probably not ready to vote for an African-American" - would be unbecoming of vice presidential candidate. I'm not sure. In a world where the Republican National Committee feels it necessary to do polling and run focus groups to learn the boundaries of political attack on a black or female candidate, Rendell's unmuzzled view of the world just might be refreshing.

 

Should Clinton name Rendell as her choice for running mate, Pennsylvania history could repeat itself, as has been noted by journalists including George Will, albeit without a full retelling. Here's what went down when another leading candidate reached out to a Pennsylvanian in a bid to win his party's nomination.

 

In 1976, Gerald Ford was president, the Bicentennial was in full swing, Frank Rizzo was mayor. Today, given his place in history, it's hard to imagine a desperate candidate Ronald Reagan, trailing in the GOP delegate count, but that's exactly where the Gipper stood as the convention in Kansas City drew nearer. Ford seemed likely to win the nomination.

 

So, at the suggestion of his campaign manager, and with the hope of luring delegates already committed to Ford (specifically 103 delegates from Pennsylvania), Reagan promised three weeks before the convention that Richard Schweiker, Pennsylvania's moderate U.S. senator, would join him to balance the ticket.

 

Sound familiar?

 

But the plan failed. That's because Montgomery County's Drew Lewis did something rare in politics. He kept his word. Lewis was running Ford's campaign in Pennsylvania when the July call came from Schweiker, his close friend and political ally.

 

Schweiker, now Reagan's vice presidential designee, wanted Lewis to join him in working for Reagan.

 

But Lewis held his ground: "Everybody sees it as a first-class sellout," Lewis said in the Aug. 8 New York Times. "Dick Schweiker has just sold his soul for a crack at the vice presidency."

 

Philadelphia GOP boss Billy Meehan, with 12 delegates in his political orbit, followed Lewis' lead by standing firm. The rest of the state fell in line, and Ford won and selected Bob Dole to run alongside him.

 

The failed gambit had political repercussions for Schweiker well past 1976. In the run-up to the Republican convention, Schweiker had promised to follow Reagan's more conservative lead, a decision that left him looking vulnerable for reelection in 1980. He retired, and Arlen Specter replaced him in Washington.

 

In a political twist, Drew Lewis was on Reagan's team in 1980. In fact, Rea- gan turned to Lewis to produce George H.W. Bush's phone number when Reagan decided to make Bush his vice presidential choice.

 

And when Reagan eventually appointed Lewis to head the Department of Transportation, Schweiker joined him in the Gipper's Cabinet. Reagan had appointed him secretary of Health and Human Services. Ever the maverick before 1976, Schweiker had become steadily more conservative after the coup attempt in 1976.

 

The lessons? The politics of balance has failed to pay off before, even in a pragmatic state like Pennsylvania. And you aren't dead in the politicals until you're really six feet under.

 

Sure, Rendell is a popular governor who has proven adept at raising money and running a campaign. But it's shaky logic to bet on his ability to shift the tide of the delegate (and superdelegate) race in his home state.

 

The Obama campaign is a juggernaut that transcends politics as usual. It's hard to imagine guys like Patrick Murphy or Chaka Fattah reneging on their support for Obama just because Rendell picks up the phone.

 

And there's another consideration that works against Rendell as veep. He has three years left in his second term, and if he departs for Washington, Lieutenant Gov. Catherine Baker Knoll takes over.

 

That's right - if "Edward G. Robinson" (as Knoll once famously introduced him) heads for the big stage, his unsteady understudy becomes the main attraction. And wait until voters worried that John McCain is too old to be president realize that the 77-year-old Knoll will be running the commonwealth.

 

Reason enough for Rendell to stick around. *

 

Listen to Michael Smerconish weekdays 5-9 a.m. on the Big Talker, 1210/AM. Read him Sundays in the Inquirer. Contact him via the Web at www.mastalk.com.